Feb
20
2010

Karzai’s Ingratitude

From the AP:

President Hamid Karzai urged NATO to do more to protect civilians during combat operations to secure Marjah, a southern Taliban stronghold and scene of the biggest allied ground assault of the eight-year war.

NATO forces have repeatedly said they want to prevent civilian casualties but acknowledged that it is not always possible. On Saturday, the alliance said its troops killed another civilian in the Marjah area, bringing the civilian death toll from the operation to at least 16.

Addressing the opening session of the Afghan parliament in Kabul, Karzai held up a picture of an 8-year-old girl who lost 12 relatives in a NATO rocket attack during the second day of the Marjah assault, which began Feb. 13.

This type of ingratitude from Karzai is unacceptable.  979 Americans have died fighting in Afghanistan since 2001.  Obviously, NATO forces are working to limit civilian casualties.  Karzai, who is essentially a corrupt thug himself, should be happy the Taliban isn’t still ruling his country.  Why don’t his countrymen step up to the plate and fight these bastards?  The only reason the United States is there in the first place is because his backwards nation ran itself into the ground.  They let Islamist pigs, known as the Taliban, take over and the Taliban let Usama bin Laden and Co. set up shop.

NATO is trying to secure his country so that the Afghan people can enjoy liberty but they refuse to fight for themselves.  President Obama should remind Mr. Karzai that the only reason he still has a head is because of American security.  Remember, Islamists are the civilized folk who cut the heads of off those with whom they disagree.

Feb
19
2010

Thoughts on the Fiscal Commission

You can’t spend like there’s literally no tomorrow, rack up massive deficits, add to the national debt and then pretend to care about spending.  Are you kidding me?  We don’t need another commission to tell us that we’re bankrupting this country.  This is simply political top cover for the Obama administration–they can point to this in November and say, “We’re serious about the debt.”  There’s a huge credibility gap, though.

According to Karl Rove:

…from Jan. 20, 2001, to Jan. 20, 2009, the debt held by the public grew $3 trillion under Mr. Bush—to $6.3 trillion from $3.3 trillion at a time when the national economy grew as well.

By comparison, from the day Mr. Obama took office last year to the end of the current fiscal year, according to the Office of Management and Budget, the debt held by the public will grow by $3.3 trillion. In 20 months, Mr. Obama will add as much debt as Mr. Bush ran up in eight years.

Mr. Obama’s spending plan approved by Congress last February calls for doubling the national debt in five years and nearly tripling it in 10.

Mr. Bush’s deficits ran an average of 3.2% of GDP, slightly above the post World War II average of 2.7%. Mr. Obama’s plan calls for deficits that will average 4.2% over the next decade.

Team Obama has been on history’s biggest spending spree, which has included a $787 billion stimulus, a $30 billion expansion of a child health-care program, and a $410 billion federal spending bill that increased nondefense discretionary spending 10% for the last half of fiscal year 2009. Mr. Obama also hiked nondefense discretionary spending another 12% for fiscal year 2010.

This is where big government gets you.  This is tragic.  Just wait for what’s next:  skyrocketing interest rates, inflation or maybe both.  Some interesting points from Greg Mankiw.

Feb
17
2010

Political Correctness in the QDR

A recent analysis of the 2010 QDR by the Center for American Progress claims, “…the 2010 QDR abandons the Bush administration’s “Long War” construct that oversimplified the nature of the struggle against violent extremists.”  This claim implies that the QDR clarified the nature of this conflict.  The QDR doesn’t even accurately identify the threat.  It does not acknowledge that there is an international campaign led by Islamic extremists to kill Americans.  I realize that it’s not politically correct to identify threats without obfuscation, but the failure to identify the source of this threat in the QDR is troubling.  The terms “violent extremism” and “extremism” are generalities.  Al Qaeda is more specific but it is simply a way to skirt the issue.  Sure, extremism in any case can be dangerous, but it’s not PETA activists who are trying to blow up airliners and killing Americans in Iraq and Afghanistan.  It’s Islamic extremists.

Regarding the issuance of a new National Security Strategy–the National Security Strategy should be the primary driver of our defense policy and guidance.  The National Security Strategy is the document that seeks to articulate our grand strategy–our core interests, threats to those interests and how we intend to defend and advance those interests in broad terms.  Documents like the QDR should operationalize that vision. Of course, strategy making in Washington is largely broken.  The release of a QDR before a National Security Strategy is tantamount to putting the cart before the horse—that is unless President Obama’s grand strategy is not so different from that of his predecessor.  I suspect that it is closer than anyone at the White House would ever admit. But what is our grand strategy?  Primacy? Collective security?  Whatever the answer is to that question should be driving our defense and military policy, not the other way around.

Feb
14
2010

Dick Cheney Discusses Iraq, Terrorism and the Obama administration

Here’s a great interview with Dick Cheney on some key foreign policy issues.

Feb
13
2010

Nuclear Policy in the Bush Administration: Setting the Record Straight

Vice President Joe Biden recently wrote an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal outlining the Obama administration’s nuclear policy.  In typical Obama administration fashion, he blamed the preceding administration for “the slow but steady decline in support for our nuclear stockpile and infrastructure, and for our highly trained nuclear work force.”  His claim of neglect is simply inaccurate.  President George W. Bush made several attempts to revitalize the nuclear weapons complex and exercise the highly trained work force.  Unfortunately, these efforts were halted by Congress on multiple occasions.  Here are just a few examples:

  • In 2005, Congress discontinued funding for the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator.
  • In the FY08 Defense Appropriations Bill, Congress slashed funding for the Reliable Replacement Warhead (RRW) program to $15 million.
  • Congress denied DoD any FY2008 funding for “testing, fabrication or deployment” of a conventional Trident ballistic missile program.

The Obama administration will provide “$7 billion for maintaining our nuclear-weapons stockpile and complex, and for related efforts.  This commitment is $600 million more than Congress approved last year.  And over the next five years we intend to boost funding for these important activities by more than $5 billion.  Even in a time of tough budget decisions, these are investments we must make for our security.  We are committed to working with Congress to ensure these budget increases are approved.”  It’s funny.  When President George W. Bush tried this, he was stonewalled by Democrats  in Congress and members of his own party.  The nuclear weapons complex does require additional funds.  I support the administration’s decision to allocate these funds; the Congress needs to approve the request in its entirety.  My colleagues and I have advocated for additional funds, and, more specifically, modernization.  It’s ironic that the president who is talking about ridding the world of nuclear weapons is increasing funding for them.  Of course, this is simply the reality of governing.  Politicians make lofty promises during campaigns–promises that are simply inconsistent with the realities of governing–and, in this case, inconsistent with our national security requirements.

Feb
8
2010

WMD Commission Report Card

Last month, the bipartisan Commission on the Prevention of Weapons of Mass Destruction Proliferation and Terrorism released its assessment detailing how well the U.S. Government has implemented the recommendations presented in its December 2008 report.  The Commission explains in the overview, “The assessment is not a good one, particularly in the area of biological threats.” What is more, the assessment concludes that unless significant actions are taken “it is more likely than not that a weapon of mass destruction (WMD) will be used in a terrorist attack somewhere in the world by the end of 2013.  That weapon is more likely to be biological than nuclear.”

The Commission’s January 2010 report card covers a lot of material in its eighteen pages.  What struck me the most were the three areas in which the Commission gave failing grades: 1) consequence management efforts related to a biological terrorist attack, 2) congressional oversight of the U.S. national security community, and 3) the national security workforce.  I was struck because not one of these three issues is new.  These issues have been documented in countless think tank reports, government-funded studies, and blue ribbon commissions, just like the one that issued this latest report.  The problem(s) have been identified–on several occasions.  The real question is:  will the government take the necessary actions to ensure that the risks in these three areas is reduced?

Feb
2
2010

How the Obama administration’s lack of credibility is weakening U.S. national security

Since January 20, 2009, American credibility has taken a back seat to the Obama administration’s quest for international popularity.  During his trips to the Middle East and Asia last year, President Obama seemed more interested in bolstering his approval ratings abroad than advancing American interests.  Last week it was reported that the Obama administration downgraded the priority placed on intelligence collection for China in an effort to increase cooperation with Beijing.  This move was made despite the fact that Chinese cyberattacks against the U.S. are on the rise and the leadership in Beijing remains reticent about its massive military modernization program.

Unfortunately, U.S. national security is more dependent on the credibility of American power—and the words and policies of its commander-in-chief—than international popularity.  In foreign affairs, credibility matters.  Hollow threats and naïve policies embolden our adversaries while broken commitments lead our friends and allies to question our resolve.  During the first year in power, the Obama administration has damaged American credibility with its mishandling of American national security policy.

Ft. Hood Terrorist Attack and Northwest Flight 253. The President’s sluggish response to both incidents was unfortunate, but what was far worse was his failure to identify both attacks for what they were—part of an international campaign by Islamic extremists to kill Americans.  After Army Major Nadal Hassan murdered 13 soldiers at Ft. Hood last November, President Obama cautioned against a rush to judgment—despite immediate and overwhelming evidence that Hassan was indeed a jihadist.  Obama would later refer to the Nigerian man who attempted to blow up Northwest Flight 253 on Christmas Day as “an isolated extremist.”  This message of obfuscation is not one of strength and only serves to weaken American credibility.  If we’re too timid to identify our adversaries, then how can we effectively prosecute a war against them?

The Afghanistan Decision. It took President Obama three months to make a decision on whether or not to increase troop levels in Afghanistan after his commanding general in Afghanistan (whom he selected) appealed to him for additional troops or risk a mission failure.  Obviously, it is incumbent upon a commander-in-chief to carefully weigh all of his options when the use of force and American lives are at stake.  But dawdling for three months after the commanding general has communicated, in no uncertain terms, that a failure to provide additional troops may jeopardize the mission is unacceptable.  Such dithering only serves to paint the picture of an indecisive commander-in-chief. Indecision hampers American credibility.

Nuclear Weapons and a START Follow-On. The dramatic reduction of the U.S. nuclear stockpile and the movement toward a nuclear-free world quickly became one of President Obama’s signature foreign policy issues.  In a speech in April 2009, he pledged to reduce significantly the U.S. nuclear stockpile as a first step toward a nuclear-free world.  The problem is that his lofty policy ideas are simply incompatible with the U.S.’s need to maintain a credible nuclear deterrent.  While the United States nuclear weapons complex is deteriorating in every respect, China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea are investing heavily in their own nuclear weapons complexes. Without credibility, deterrence will fail.

Missile Defense in Poland and the Czech Republic. Warsaw and Prague learned the hard way that under the Obama administration sometimes adversaries are treated better than allies.  President Obama’s decision to scrap a missile defense agreement negotiated by his predecessor with the Polish and the Czech governments was yet another credibility-busting policy maneuver.  Both Poland and the Czech Republic bent over backwards to support Washington; both countries wanted the European missile defense sites to defend against Iranian ballistic missiles.  The message to U.S. allies: Don’t count on the United States to keep its word.

The Iranian Nuclear Program. President Barack Obama’s December 31st deadline for Iran to accept the terms of the UN-crafted deal over its nuclear program has come and gone, without any real consequences for the regime in Tehran.  After Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad publicly mocked the year-end deadline, White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs warned on December 22nd that Washington’s ultimatum was “a very real deadline.”  This latest deadline should not be confused with the very similar deadline President Obama set in July of last year that called for Iran to show “good faith” efforts toward disarmament by September 2009.  The Iranians have faced no substantive consequences for failing to comply with these deadlines.  The real consequence of these hollow threats?  A deterioration of American credibility.

Closing Gitmo and the Prosecution of CIA Operatives. Days after taking office, President Obama made clear his commitment to close the detention center at Guantanamo Bay.  In August 2009, President Obama tasked Attorney General Eric Holder with investigating CIA operatives who used enhanced interrogation techniques during the Bush administration.  Of course, both policy reversals were meant to assuage international opinion about perceived American “excesses” in the fight against Islamic extremism under the administration of George W. Bush.  The message to the rest of the world:  this is not the Bush administration.  While this message might have pleased the Davos crowd and certain constituencies within the United States, this made clear that the Obama administration viewed the struggle against Islamic extremism much differently than its predecessor.

Trying Terrorists in Civilian Courts. The administration’s decision to try terrorists in civilian courts may placate the American Civil Liberties Union but at a tremendous cost to U.S. national security.  As Charles Krauthammer recently noted, individuals who do not wear the uniform of a nation-state and launch direct attacks on civilians are enemy combatants and should not be afforded the same rights as American citizens.  The 9/11 Commission Report concluded that the prosecutions of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing conspirators created a false impression that the U.S. criminal justice system was the proper venue in which to deal with terrorists.[i]

These decisions, taken individually or together, have only served to weaken American credibility abroad—not to mention they’ve been wholly ineffective.  Have these policies convinced Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to abandon his nuclear weapons program, Osama bin Laden to renounce terrorism, or Russia and China to support a comprehensive sanctions package against Iran?  Hollow threats and obfuscation embolden our enemies, weaken our bargaining positions and leave Washington with fewer policy options.  What is more, a continued reduction in American credibility may lead our friends and allies to reassess their defense and security relationships with the United States.  It’s not too late for a course-correction but unless the White House begins to place a greater commitment on building American credibility rather than tearing it down, President Obama runs the risk of becoming another Jimmy Carter.


[i]The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 72.

Jan
23
2010

Thoughts on the Special Election in Massachusetts & the War Against Wall Street

Wow, it’s been a couple of weeks since I’ve had time to write a post–and what a difference a couple of weeks can make.  Since my last post, Scott Brown won the U.S. Senate seat once occupied by Ted Kennedy in the bluest of blue states, Massachusetts, and the White House officially declared war on Wall Street.   There’s lots of great commentary (and spin) out there on the web as to why Brown was able to win and what the ramifications are for the Democratic leadership and the White House.  He ran a great campaign and he was an outstanding candidate.  But at the end of the day, the United States is a center-right country.  The majority of Americans put a premium on individual liberty.  They want government out of their lives.  They don’t want high taxes to fund social welfare.  They work hard to support their families and want to keep their own money.  They also realize that one of the few roles of government, as outlined in the U.S. Constitution, is to provide for the common defense.  Brown’s campaign embodied this while Martha Coakley’s campaign effectively stood for the opposite (large government, weak defense).  The election in Massachusetts was clearly a repudiation of the White House and the Democratic leadership–of Obama care, cap and trade, giving Constitutional rights to terrorists, and massive spending binges.  President Obama’s interview with George Stephanopoulos where he blamed the Brown victory on President George W. Bush was absurd.  What is mind-boggling is that some social democrats actually believe this.  Others, like Paul Krugman, think that President Obama’s agenda hasn’t been left-wing enough–pretty amazing.        

Apparently 77% of investors view President Obama as anti-business.  Frankly, I’m surprised the figure isn’t much higher with his penchant for high taxes and excessive regulation.  Let me explain something that gets neglected by the MSM.  Social democrats like to engage in class warfare.  That’s their bread and butter–to create antipathies throughout society based on income.  They use this to push for public policies that redistribute wealth.  “Wall Street v. Main Street” is their catch-phrase of choice these days–”fat cat bankers” is Obama’s personal favorite, though.  The reality is that when Wall Street suffers Main Street suffers, too.  For anyone who has a 401(k) or other investment plan that invests in stocks, mutual funds, or bonds–they have a vested interest in Wall Street doing well.  As a result, we should all be concerned about the White House’s war against Wall Street.

Jan
6
2010

Obama’s Bogus Health Care “Transparency”

It looks as though President Obama is on the record–on eight different occasions–proclaiming that all health care negotiations would be televised on C-SPAN.  This was part of his promise to make government more “transparent” and we all know how that’s turned out.


Jan
4
2010

Ilan Berman on U.S. Nuclear Superiority

Ilan Berman, a noted expert on Iran and Vice President for Policy at the American Foreign Policy Council, has a great piece in today’s Defense News on the Obama administration’s (mis)handling of U.S. nuclear policy.  Berman reminds us that both Russia and China are modernizing their strategic forces while the U.S. weapons complex is eroding:

Indeed, practically every declared nuclear weapon state is engaged in a serious modernization of its strategic arsenal. The United States, by contrast, has allowed its strategic infrastructure to atrophy since the end of the Cold War.

The results of this neglect are striking, as scholars Bradley Thayer and Thomas Skypek have detailed in a pair of studies. America’s ICBM force is aging rapidly, and the retirement of long-range missiles such as the Minuteman and Peacekeeper in the years ahead will cause a major constriction in the U.S. ballistic missile arsenal, with no replacements in sight. Meanwhile, the U.S. bomber fleet has shrunk by nearly two-thirds since 2001.

An aging work force and poor incentives for science and technology education also raise the possibility that the current decline could become irreversible unless major investments are made, and soon.

The White House doesn’t seem overly concerned by this state of affairs. While some in the Obama administration appear to understand the imperative of nuclear force modernization – Defense Secretary Robert Gates, for one, has emerged as a champion of the Reliable Replacement Warhead program currently languishing in Congress – the prevailing official zeitgeist is squarely in favor of arms control and disarmament.

This trend is deeply troubling, as I’ve noted on multiple occasions.  If this situation is not rectified, the ramifications for U.S. national security will be severe.  It will be interesting to see how this policy debate unfolds in the coming months as the results of the Nuclear Posture Review are briefed to Congress and the administration continues to work with Russia to carve out a follow-on to START.